Federation of Free States of Africa
Les Films de la Passerelle,
Image Création avec l'aide du Centre du Cinéma et de l'Audiovisuel,
la RTB-F Liège, VRT:Canvas, CBA, Les Films d'Ici, Canal+(France),
RTNC, Eurimages, Commission européenne 5DGVIII), ORF, MEDIA
En 1965, dans un pays déchiré
et lassé par cinq années de troubles, le général
Mobutu et l'armée installent un Etat fort dans l'ex-colonie belge,
le Congo, bientôt renommé Zaïre. La population est habilement
encadrée, l'opposition muselée, le nationlisme réinventé.
Durant 30 années, Mobutu Sese Seko Wa Zabanga, Maréchal du
Zaïre, indifféremment appelé "le Guide de la Révolution
zaïroise authentique","l'Unificateur", le "Pacificateur",
" le Président Fondateur" ou le "Père de la
Nation" règne sans partage et distribue faveurs et disgrâces.
pour ce faire, il pratiquera la prédation systématique des
ressources physiques d'un pays qu'il mènera à la ruine.
Pendant plus d'un quart de
siècle, Mobutu ne cessera de poser la tragique équation, "moi
ou le chaos". Le monarque zaïrois, prince machiavélien
restera redoutable parce que toujours redouté. Mais sa maladie et
la rébellion dans l'Est du Zaïre, après avoir ébranlé
sa crédibilité et son autorité, l'obligent à
un départ sans prestige. Sa défaite fut à la fois militaire
et politique. Quelques mois après avoir quitté le pouvoir,
il meurt dans l'indifférence politique internationale la plus complète...ou
l'histoire dun surfeur qui croyait ne jamais se mouiller.
Un documentaire très
intéressant pour comprendre les enjeux géopolitiques de cette
région "chaude" d'Afrique centrale...
La fin des mercenaires Panorama
ORTF - 10-11-1967 - 24m45s
Chargement en cours, veuillez patienter ... Les envoyés spéciaux
de "Panorama" ont suivi, non sans risques, les mercenaires combattant
contre les soldats de l'ANC près de Bukavu, jusqu'à ce que
les hommes du colonel SCHRAMME quittent leurs positions qu'ils ne pouvaient
plus défendre par manque de munitions.
En plateau, Claude DESIRE reçoit Michel HONORIN et Michel PARBOT:
ils racontent comment ils sont parvenus à Bukavu par barque, de nuit;
comment ils ont pu faire parvenir les films chaque jour de façon
clandestine; enfin, ils évoquent le courage des mercenaires.
Le Dessous des cartes congo
The West’s demand for
Cassiterite is fuelling the killings in DRC. Militias rely on slave labour
to extract the ore, forcing locals to work in sub-human conditions. “Once
you get down there, there’s no air”, describes one worker. “The
rocks often bury us and you have to crawl through the tiny hole, using your
fingers to dig.” Labourers like him often go unpaid. They’re
forced to work at gunpoint by militias operating outside the control of
“Different armed groups do what they want with the population”,
laments minister Buta Muiso. But British businessman Ketankumar Kotecha
sees nothing wrong in buying casiterite from the militias. “If I didn’t
do it, someone else would. I am not here as some kind of moral saviour.”
We travel into the heart of
DRC along the 1,700 km Congo River. It’s a journey that provides a
rare insight into a country still struggling for peace.
There’s a saying in
the DRC: if the river is happy, the country is happy. “The river ensures
the unity of the country,” explains director Jean Casongo. “It
feeds us and it unifies us.” But since the war, the river boat industry
has collapsed. Now, the government hopes to revitalise it again. (SABC)
As head of the Nobel prize
winning organisation, Medicins Sans Frontier, Rowan Gillies controls assets
of millions. But that doesn’t stop him regularly travelling to war
zones to care for the dying.
At a clinic in war torn Congo,
Rowan Gillies is donating his own blood. Militia men attacked a local village
and the clinic is out of supplies. He has ten operations to get through
before supper and a media campaign in Geneva to co-ordinate. “I see
going to the field as very much part of the job,” Gillies explains.
“The focus must always be on what we’re trying to do, not on
the institution.” But he’s regularly diverted by other troubles.
MSF is being sued by the Dutch government. Between operations, he sandwiches
in calls to MSF headquarters to check how the case is progressing. (SBS)
After years of war, Eastern
Congo is virtually inaccessible to the rest of the world. But now, two priests
are helping the refugees return home. In the Kalemie region of Eastern Congo,
more than a million people are on the run. They fled their villages two
years ago, after being attacked by Rwandan soldiers, government troops and
gangs. “They shot everything that moved,” laments one woman.
Like all the refugees here, she’s deeply traumatised by her experiences.
But now peace appears to have returned to their villages and they’re
anxious to return home.
An old locomotive has been repaired to transport the refugees. But with
sections of the track mined, the refugees will have to walk the remaining
50 to 200 km to reach their villages. Despite this, the refugees are delighted
to be returning. “I’m so happy because I’m still alive.”
After years of hostilities,
can Congo’s struggling peace process finally succeed in unifying the
country and restoring peace and prosperity? Joseph Ndjelo pulls down his
collar to reveal a deep gash across his neck. It’s a physical reminder
of the night the militia came for him and his family. Although he escaped,
his wife and four children were killed in the attack. Forty years after
independence, the DRC is still plagued by ethnic feuding.
But now there’s fresh hope that Joseph Kabila, the country’s
youngest ever President, can bring peace. He has offered to share power
with his political rivals. If all goes according to plan there will be free
and fair elections in two years. However, many are wary of the new government.
They feel they have seen it all before. “It seems to be another false
start,” fears politician Dr Kabamba. But others believe only Kabila
can lead the DRC out of its misery. ABC Australia
Thousands of women have
been raped by militia groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo
A mass grave has been found
in the DR Congo, striking a blow to hopes of security after recent elections.
Addio' - 'Farewell Africa' (1966) is a documentary film about the decolonization
of Africa, made by the Italian film directors Gualtiero Jacopetti and Franco
E. Prosperi. It shows like no other documentary what people are capable
of if they get the chance.
It is a masterpiece with beautiful
music, composed by Riz Ortolani. Probably "Africa Addio" is the
best and most exposing documentary ever made about what happened in several
African countries directly after decolonization, but because of political
correctness the masses never heard of it.
In the USA a censored version
called 'Africa Blood and Guts' was released, which was deliberately stripped
from the original music and the powerful message of 'Africa Addio' - so
the sensors were able to portray the destruction, cruelty, savagery and
genocide performed by the Africans as a 'struggle for independence'. The
directors Gualtiero Jacopetti and Franco E. Prosperi dissociated themselves
from this Hollywood version of their film.
This documentary tells the
story of how the United Nations, from 1960 to 1962, waged an unprovoked
war against the anti-Communist state of Katanga and forced it under the
control of the Communist-puppet state of the Central Congo (then called
Zaire, and now called DRC).
In later years, top UN personnel boasted in their public speeches and
books how they pretended to be merely preserving law and order, while
actually carrying out a military operation to crush the tiny nation —
all in the name of peace.
The great irony in this was that the free world was told — and the
American people firmly believed — that the UN army had been sent
to the Congo to "protect it from Communism."
The reason this story needs to be told after all these years is that we
have not seen the last of the UN "peace-keeping" forces. Black
& white, 60-min. video.
The UN at the beginning of August it was clear that having succeeded inisolating
Tshombe politically, the next objective of the UN was to bring Katanga
to heel, if necessary by force.
The savagery of the UN attack, in which Gurkha troops provided by India
played a leading part, shocked Western opinion.
1895 et 1908, le Congo était la propriété personnelle
de Léopold II. Dans le documentaire, le professeur Elikia Mbokolo
fait état du fait qu'en 1920, dix millions de Africains avaient disparu
Sous la pression de la maison
royale et d'un communiqué de presse d'un Louis Michel au bord de
l'apoplexie, la VRT, qui a aussi diffusé le film, a coupé
un commentaire faisant le parallèle entre la colonisation de Léopold
II et le génocide hitlérien.
Pourtant, tous les faits cités
dans le film sont incontestables. Ces dernières décennies,
nombre d'auteurs ont cité des officiers coloniaux qui n'hésitaient
pas à se vanter de leurs atrocités. Leurs récits de
mauvais traitements et d'exploitation sont horribles. Malheureusement, ils
ne sont connus que du public très restreint qui a lu ces ouvrages.
Dans la Belgique de l'an 2004,
les statues de Léopold II sont toujours bien rivées à
leurs socles. Il y a quelques années, quand des anti-impérialistes
avaient osé rebaptiser le boulevard Léopold II de Bruxelles
en boulevard Patrice Lumumba, ils avaient été traqués
comme de véritables terroristes.
La réaction de la maison
royale vis-à-vis de ce documentaire est typique de la haine des milieux
dirigeants de la Belgique envers tous ceux qui osent dénoncer les
crimes de la bourgeoisie belge au Congo. Leur indignation, leur «perplexité
atterrée» contraste vilainement avec leur joie mal dissimulée
lors de l'assassinat de Laurent Kabila, en janvier 2001. Le jour après
l'assassinat Louis Michel n'hésitait pas à déclarer:
«Le choc a peut-être crée un moment propice à
la négociation» (Le Soir du 19 janvier 2001)
Michel voulait se débarrasser
Mais c'était aussi
ce même Kabila qui, un an plus tôt, avait dit ceci: «A
un moment, Léopold II avait son Etat du Congo pour y chercher le
caoutchouc. Si vous n'alliez pas en chercher, on vous amputait, vous deveniez
manchot. La chicotte était quotidienne. Ils ont pillé, pillé.
(...) Nous disons qu'il faut confier le pouvoir au peuple».
La haine et le mépris
qu'affiche ouvertement l'establishment belge avait déjà été
visible plus tôt, dans les années 1960-1961, durant les derniers
mois de la vie de Patrice Lumumba et après sa fin atroce. Lui aussi
avait osé dire, et le jour de l'indépendance, encore: «Nous
avons connu les ironies, les insultes, les coups que nous devions subir
matin, midi et soir, parce que nous étions des nègres. ()
Nous qui avons souffert dans notre corps et dans notre cur de l'oppression
colonialiste, nous vous le disons tout haut: tout cela est désormais
Unreported World comes from
Central Africa, where our demand for Chinese-made goods such as mobile phones,
MP3 players and laptops comes at a terrible human cost.
The Tiananmen Square protests
of 1989 were a series of demonstrations led by students, intellectuals,
and labor activists in the People's Republic of China (PRC) between April
15, 1989 and June 4, 1989.
While the protests lacked a unified cause or leadership, participants were
generally critical of the ruling Chinese Communist Party and voiced complaints
ranging from minor criticisms to calls for full-fledged democracy and the
establishment of broader freedoms.
How did 500 people in Bunia
come to be massacred, and thousands more displaced, whilst under the protection
of UN Peacekeepers?
The streets of Bunia are littered
with freshly dug graves – a haunting reminder of events this May.
As part of the UN sponsored peace process, 7,000 Ugandan soldiers, who previously
maintained order in the Bunia, were replaced by 400 peacekeepers. “When
we pull out, there’s nobody who is going to protect the people,”
warned the departing Ugandan Commander: “There’s going to be
a bloodbath.” As predicted, militia took advantage of the power vacuum
and attacked the town. Their enemies retaliated. Thousands sought refuge
with the UN. “Women and children were trying to crawl into the UN
compound through the barbed wire,” recalls journalist Samson Mulugeta.
Somehow, the UN managed to protect 17,000 civilians in their camps. But
they were unable to prevent massacres in the city: “If you were just
a few feet from the compound you were on your own … The UN was not
going to come to your rescue.” states Mulugata. Babies had their throats
cuts and civilians were hacked to pieces. The UN only had a mandate to use
force in self-defence. Eyewitnesses claim that they abandoned this position
and shot militia who were attacking the camps. A multinational force with
a stronger mandate is now attempting to restore order. But rebels still
remain powerful and incidents like this are continuing.
In the Volcano National Park,
on the border between Rwanda and the DRC, the world’s last remaining
mountain gorillas are being devastated by a vicious war.
This beautifully shot film
meets the warring parties and outlines the threat to the endangered mountain
gorillas. Scientists say there are only 359 left in the world and less than
250 adults. ”Every single gorilla has a huge biological value,”
says conservationist Liz Williamson. Since 1994, the gorillas have been
caught in the cross-fire between Interahamwe who launch attacks from the
DRC and the Rwandan Army. Fighters explain how some gorillas have been shot,
and some eaten by the starving rebels.
The gorillas in the Congo have been slaughtered, but in Rwanda and Uganda
they’re are protected. Locals are educated about their value, and
trackers follow the gorillas’ every movement. The film charts the
cost of this war both in human and animal terms.
As the high tech age takes
over more and more of our lives manufacturers will go to any lengths to
get the sometimes scarce minerals that go into them. Tantalum is one such
rare ingredient. Few of us know that in the middle of Africa much human
suffering is created in the pursuit of it.
Coltan is a valuable metal
because it can be processed and manufactured into a component called a capacitor,
which sits on the circuit board of mobile phone and other portable electronic
devices. The Democratic Republic of Congo is the world's second biggest
supplier of coltan (after Australia), supplying an estimated 18 per cent
of the world market. The trouble with coltan from Congo is that it is fuelling
the war there. Various rebel groups and militias are mining, stealing, taxing
and/or smuggling coltan to raise funds for their war effort.
A recent UN report has declared the trade in coltan from Congo illegal because
the legitimate and internationally recognised Government of the Democratic
Republic of Congo does not license it. Instead the trade of coltan is helping
to destabilise that government. Our reporter, JULIANA RUHFUS, travels via
Uganda across the Kasindi border crossing, to Congo, her quest to find the
source of coltan. Her often dangerous journey takes her via coltan traders,
miners and warlords including the Mayi Mayi.
A report by Juliana Ruhfus
for Unreported World.
Laurent Kabila spent 30 years
with anti-Mobutu guerrillas in Eastern Congo. These guerrillas became the
Mayi Mayi - not a tribe but a popular defence movement. Under the command
of Kabila's former companions, they have been fighting occupying troops
from Rwanda since 1998. Commander Zofi has liberated a dozen villages. Before
the Mayi Mayi took control the occupying forces committed terrible atrocities
here, as refugees testify.
Now a dozen armed men protect each village. They say Kabila "taught
us about politics and the art of war " after Independence in the sixties.
But like all stories in this region, this one is complex. Known as Negative
Forces because they are said to work closely with Hutu extremists from Rwanda,
the Mayi Mayi deftly changed sides more than once during Kabila's rise to
power. Now they consider themselves part of Congo's army, although they
never received many supplies from Kinshasa. As long as their ancestors'
soil is occupied, the Mayi Mayi resistance will go on. The new regime may
do well to court their continued loyalty.
They sit, poring over their
bibles, like figures from the past. But today’s missionaries have
had to move with times – adapting to the immense dangers in war-ravaged
modern Africa. What motivates these quiet, ageing folk to travel to some
of the most inhospitable parts of the globe, to treat terrible diseases
like leprosy, to help those most in need? Is there an argument for “civilising”
Africans? Do they really need to live in brick houses? Whatever your religion,
it’s hard not to be impressed by these brave foot-soldiers of God.
Meet three missionaries who
took up the challenge. Father Alfredo lives in Dondo, a village in the north
of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The village has seen attack from all sides – from anti-Mobuto and
anti-Kabila guerrillas. Today, it’s rebel territory, under the command
of Jean-Pierre Bemba, an eloquent businessman who voices the concerns of
many Africans. “Kabila´s regime was supposed to replace an unjust
dictatorial regime, but the people still have nothing. This is a failure
of the system and gave me the willpower to create a revolution”.
In Bemba’s territory they have done away with curfews, roadblocks
and stealing. 61 year old Alfredo has heard it all before, from leaders
who promised democracy, but delivered oppression.
Father Claudino also lives
in the DRC, in the eastern village of Bambilo. He and his colleagues are
the first white men ever to inhabit the region. Like every missionary arriving
in a new Place, he built a basic medical centre and school. In his health
centre injections, tooth extractions and circumcisions are the main sources
of income for the two nurses. In his pharmacy, Claudino laments the dwindling
stocks of medicine left by Medecins Sans Frontiers. “Funnily enough
there are a lot of condoms” he quips, “people don’t like
The missionaries unravel the day to day problems of a people scarred by
war, showing remarkable kindness and patience. One boy is terminally ill
and was rejected by his family. Claudino wipes away his tears and carries
him to shelter. The roads and bridges built in colonial times have been
destroyed by time and war. But the irony is that DRC is not a poor country.
In the markets sit dealers of gold and diamonds, next to their scales. They
say there’s plenty around.
Sister Dorinda lives in Marial
Lou, a village in Southern Sudan, under the control of the Christian SPLA
rebels. The village is a safe haven for those who have fled forced conversion
to Islam in the north. Here there is no gold, no diamonds. Why does this
grey-haired 50 year –old woman do it? “Happiness is when we
feel that someone needs us and that we can help them. So, it’s not
to run away from problems but to face life with other people.” But
with no other healthcare provision in the region Dorinda’s medical
centre soon became a large hospital, flooded with terminally ill TB sufferers.
On the brighter side, her little school is now crammed with 650 eager pupils,
“Educate your girls”, she beseeches them, “it will be
best for your families”. She rations salt, soap and Kerosene and understands
the delicate tribal structure, where the starving Dinka would rather keep
their cattle for trading in marriage, than eat them. It’s difficult
to break these traditions, she says.
The missionaries know there
are plenty of reasons why people are coming to mass, almost all of them
legitimate although not necessarily Catholic. It’s more likely the
food and medical attention they offer which is their appeal, rather than
their religious and moral teaching. But theirs is a calling. Father Claudino
recalls acting as a human shield for two refugees who were to be killed
by an angry mob. “It was when my blood was pouring over them that
I realised, it was the highest point of my vocation, of my missionary life,
and I had a blood alliance with this land”.
Gentil, a fourteen year old
soldier, claims he was abducted from school by Kabila's troops and sent
to the frontline to fight for the government. Two months ago, Gentil was
captured by rebels and he’s now taken up their cause. At Bunya, headquarters
of the RCD/ML rebels, Ugandan instructors train young rebels like Gentil.
Uganda and Rwanda support three rebel groups who now control half the country.
Jean-Paul Bemba heads the MLC, the Movement for the Liberation of Congo.
He’s one of Congo’s richest men and sometimes resembles an international
playboy more than a rebel.
He has vast business interests in Europe and has his HQ alongside one of
Mobutu’s extravagant palaces. Some accuse Bemba of being a front for
business interests in the region. Bemba denies it; “I’m not
a puppet. Congo deserves a leader chosen by the people. Mobutu was the puppet”.
With 20 000 troops and a sophisticated and representative style of leadership
Bemba is Congo’s most popular rebel.
Fighting continued in Congo
in 1999, despite the peace deal signed and cease-fire of January. Congo
has become the crucible for a Central African war motivated by a scramble
for resources and ethnic ambitions.
The Tutsi led rebel movement
won control of a third of Congo. Gains that are largely thanks to Tutsi
support from Rwanda and Uganda. Meanwhile, in an extension of Rwanda’s
genocidal war, Kabila has been recruiting thousands of Hutus. Exiled here
after the 1994 genocide, these refugees are a vicious fighting force.
For them it’s a case of unfinished business. On the ground the UN
and Amnesty confirm the murder of thousands of ethnic Tutsis.
Lifting the tarpaulin off mass graves the evidence is only too plain to
see. Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia and Chad have all been supporting Kabila’s
forces despite his unpopularity at home. It’s a matter of protecting
their own interests. The rebels though have also failed to win the hearts
and minds of civilians. "We are tired, we have had enough. We do not
need a Kabila yesterday, today the rebels and tomorrow somebody else. We
have no peace. We cannot develop” With neighbouring nations openly
sponsoring rival factions peace seems a distant hope.
"Ghosts of Rwanda"
a special two-hour documentary to mark the 10th anniversary of the Rwandan
genocide - a state-sponsored massacre in which some 800,000 Rwandans were
methodically hunted down and murdered by Rwandan extremists as the U.S.
and international community refused to intervene - examines the social,
political, and diplomatic failures that converged to enable the genocide
Revenue from Angola’s
oil reserves should be aiding the country’s development. But instead,
it’s being used as a slush fund for government corruption.
Deep in Luanda’s sewers,
a group of boys show us around their home. “I’m desperate for
help,” begs one. “I’m eating rubbish, surrounded by others
who are sniffing glue.” According to the latest calculations, 9% of
the country’s GDP is siphoned off. Even the US ambassador admits that
oil revenues are not going to “the Angolan people.” Ordinary
Angolans know they’re being ripped off by their leaders.
They’re seething with resentment. In the Angolan enclave of Cabinda,
this discontent has fuelled a separatist movement which has been fighting
for years. With more and more Angolans asking awkward questions, there’s
a risk the country will collapse into anarchy again if the corruption problem
Billions of dollars of oil
revenue are being siphoned off by corrupt officials, while ordinary Angolans
continue to starve.
Angola is quickly becoming
one of the world’s most promising new oil sources. However, lawyer
Rafael Marques claims: “for the majority of Angolans, oil essentially
is a curse.” Thousands are forced out of their homes to make way for
foreign investors. A leaked IMF report reveals that billions of dollars
of revenue never even reach Angola. Instead, payments are channelled through
offshore accounts and remain unaccounted for.
When BP promised to publish its under the counter payments to Angolan officials,
they received a stinging letter threatening to terminate their contract.
This letter was copied to all other oil companies. However, with lucrative
oil contracts at stake, no-one is prepared to challenge the government.
As the UN pulls out of war
torn Angola, the future looks bleak for those civillians inevitably affected
by MPLA and UNITA clashes.
Since the Portuguese left
in 1975 the MPLA and UNITA have been fighting each other for control of
Angola. This has left a nation under- developed and hungry. With the MPLA
controlling the government, and UNITA the rural areas, there is a lot to
The irony is that Angola is a rich country. As the Mining Minister points
out: "We are rich paupers… we have everything except money."
The situation is quite dire and in remote areas people are dying of hunger
and disease. There are critical shortages of medicine and aid convoys are
often prey to UNITA attacks. The Bishop of Malange summons up the situation:
"We are clearly rich enough to buy weapons, but too poor to provide
food." With the UN pulling out its 8000 peacekeepers, and a volatile
cease-fire, what does the future hold for Angola?
Archive footage of UN at
work in Angola and UNITA parade and refugee camp.
Produced by the Pulitzer
Center, "Africa Bloody Coltan" is a quick glimpse at coltan's
role in Africa's war. It was featured on "Foreign Exchange with Fareed
Zakaria" in the Fall of 2006.
De Beers told us that they
did not want to be interviewed and that the debate (about the Bushman evictions)
had been going on long enough. There’s plenty of exploration going
on in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve today, even though officially no
one is supposed to be living here we found warnings of the regular low level
flights carrying out geological surveys searching for diamonds.
Although mining hasn’t started in the reserve yet, dozens of new concessions
have been sold throughout Botswana, not least in the Reserve itself where
there were only a few before the latest eviction of Bushmen. But after a
further thousand or so were removed there was a sharp rise in the number
of concessions sold to diamond mining giants like BHP Billiton and De Beers.
Much of Africa is little known
and misunderstood. Most may only know Africa as the dark continent, a jungle,
or a wildlife park. They generally see Africa as a negative place; an area
of war, disease, famine, ignorance, corruption, and dictatorship. A recent
Gallup survey asked how important to the US is "what happens in Africa,"?
69% said it was either vitally important (18%) or important (51%). We can
understand Africa’s importance but what can be done with its problems?
In the last 50 years Africa is the only continent has gone backwards economically.
Politicians have tried. Actors and musicians have tried. But what can be
done? Stay tuned to Beyond Today as we discuss “Saving Africa”.
(né à Lille le 28 Octobre 1945 et décédé
à Villeurbanne le 29 Juin 2005), était un économiste
de formation. Son père était un journaliste gaulliste et sa
Passionné des relations
franco-africaines, François-Xavier Verschave a notamment forgé
et décrit le concept de « Françafrique », terme
parodiant l'expression la "France-Afrique" de Felix Houphouët-Boigny.
La « Françafrique » est ce volet occulte de la politique
de la France en Afrique. Ses deux principaux ouvrages sur la question, La
Françafrique (Stock, 1999) et Nor silence (Les Arènes, 2000),
sont devenus des références pour l'association Survie.
Ce dernier lui a valu un procès pour offense à chefs d’État
étrangers (loi sur la liberté de la presse de 1881) qui l'a
déclaré non coupable, compte tenu de l'absence d'« intention
délictueuse » et du contexte juridique de l'affaire.
"Buying Time for Peace"
is a documentary that will take you on a journey into the heart of the Great
Lakes region to show you the unique ... all » role of an international
partnership that is trying to break the conflict cycle and create the conditions
for peace in central Africa.
Through the film you will
meet and hear from adult ex-combatants and children formerly associated
with armed forces as they try to reclaim their lives after conflict. They
are participating in the largest program of its kind in the world: the Multi-Country
Demobilization and Reintegration Program (MDRP), a multi-agency effort funded
by the World Bank and 13 donor governments, that supports the demobilization
and reintegration of ex-combatants in Angola, Burundi, the Central African
Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Republic of Congo, Rwanda
You will also meet MDRP specialists
living and working in the region, such as Dinga, a former Colonel from Chad
now in Burundi, Gromo in Rwanda, who has spent most of his life working
on humanitarian issues in Africa and who witnessed the Rwandan genocide
in 1994 first hand, and Harald, who spends much of his time in the more
unstable parts of eastern Congo.
This film was directed by
Philip Carr and produced by Bruno Donat
En ce début de siècle,
la Chine affiche des ambitions globales. Elle vise à se hisser au
rang de superpuissance, capable de rivaliser sur tous les plans avec les
États-Unis. Aujourd'hui, la Chine n’hésite plus à
s’engager sur le terrain de la politique intérieure si ses
intérêts économiques sont menacés. Cette présence
chinoise en Afrique est-elle bénéfique pour le continent noir?
A vous de juger!
of the Free States of Africa
Africa Federation , Federación Áfricana
, Afrika Federation , 아프리카 연맹
, Afrika Föderation , Afrikka liitto , アフリカ連合
, Afrika Federatie , Африка Федерации
, Fédération Afrique , África Federação